By Ian Roberts
In contract and Head Movement, Ian Roberts explores the results of Chomsky's conjecture that head-movement isn't really a part of the slim syntax, the computational process that relates the lexicon to the interfaces. in contrast to different remedies of the topic that discard the idea that fullyyt, Roberts's monograph keeps the center instinct at the back of head-movement and examines to what volume it may be reformulated and rethought. Roberts argues that the present belief of syntax needs to accommodate a species of head-movement, even supposing this operation differs slightly in technical aspect and in empirical insurance from prior understandings of it. He proposes that head-movement is a part of the slender syntax and that it applies the place the aim of an Agree relation is flawed, in a feeling that he defines.
Roberts argues that the theoretical prestige of head-movement is particularly comparable -- in truth exact in a variety of methods -- to that of XP-movement. therefore head-movement, like XP-movement, will be considered as a part of slim syntax precisely to the level that XP-movement could be. If one element of minimalist theorizing is to put off pointless differences, then Roberts's argument may be obvious as getting rid of the excellence among "heads" and "phrases" relating to inner merge (and accordingly lowering the differences presently made among inner and exterior merge).
Linguistic Inquiry Monographs 59
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Extra info for Agreement and Head Movement: Clitics, Incorporation, and Defective Goals
One option Hornstein does not consider is to include just goals. Then minimality can be determined by counting: no well-formed path can contain more than two elements. This approach comes very close to the Rackowski and Richards one, without the extra, necessary, complication that the highest speciﬁer of the phase bP is an escape hatch (see above). I conclude that, although technically feasible, no really convincing watertight derivation of the pied-piping constraint can be derived from Hornstein’s version of minimality and the A-over-A Condition.
First, I will show that Romance cliticization is unlike Scandinavian object shift (discussed in Holmberg 1999 and Chomsky 2005), in that it cannot be reduced to A-movement combined with some special morphophonological operation, since, once examined closely, it is unlike Scandinavian object shift in small but, in the present context, very signiﬁcant respects. Second, cliticization has well-known semantic e¤ects, similar to those associated with object shift. Combining these observations leads to the conclusion that cliticization should be handled as head movement and should be a narrow-syntax operation.
The conclusion must be that head movement is not to be entirely excluded from narrow syntax. But still, Chomsky’s (2001, 37) observation that ‘‘a substantial core of head-raising operations’’ may fall outside of narrow syntax since ‘‘verbs are not interpreted di¤erently in English versus Romance, or in Mainland Scandinavian versus Icelandic’’ is by and large accurate. Matushansky (2006, 102–104) 24 Chapter 1 addresses this issue, and provides a plausible reason for why it should be the case that verb movement, in particular, often lacks semantic e¤ects.
Agreement and Head Movement: Clitics, Incorporation, and Defective Goals by Ian Roberts