By John Krige
In 1945, the USA was once not just the most powerful monetary and army energy on this planet; it used to be additionally the world's chief in technological know-how and expertise. In American Hegemony and the Postwar Reconstruction of technology in Europe, John Krige describes the efforts of influential figures within the usa to version postwar clinical practices and associations in Western Europe on these in the United States. They mobilized political and fiscal help to advertise not only America's medical and technological agendas in Western Europe yet its chilly struggle political and ideological agendas as well.Drawing at the paintings of diplomatic and cultural historians, Krige argues that this test at clinical dominance by way of the usa should be noticeable as a kind of "consensual hegemony," regarding the collaboration of influential neighborhood elites who shared American values. He makes use of this proposal to investigate a chain of case reports that describe how the united states management, senior officials within the Rockefeller and Ford Foundations, the NATO technological know-how Committee, and influential individuals of the medical establishment--notably Isidor I. Rabi of Columbia college and Vannevar Bush of MIT--tried to Americanize clinical practices in such fields as physics, molecular biology, and operations learn. He information U.S. help for associations together with CERN, the Niels Bohr Institute, the French CNRS and its laboratories at Gif close to Paris, and the never-established "European MIT." Krige's research indicates how consensual hegemony in technology not just served the pursuits of postwar ecu reconstruction yet grew to become in a different way of protecting American management and "making the area secure for democracy."
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Extra info for American Hegemony and the Postwar Reconstruction of Science in Europe
And the Kremlin forbade East European countries from participating in the scheme—as Jan Masaryk, the Czech foreign minister, put it bitterly, after being summoned to be told of the ban: “I went to Moscow as the Foreign Minister of an independent sovereign state. ”16 Marshall aid was not only conditional on coalition governments marginalizing the influence of Communist parties but was also intended to push Europeans along the path toward closer economic integration. The secretary of state implied that Europeans were to view the problem of recovery as a whole, and see what contribution each could make to the mutual benefit of all.
Our basic scientific and technical knowledge,” and also “replenish our stockpile of ideas,” which had been depleted during the war. S. ”65 Isidor I. ”66 34 Chapter 2 Notwithstanding his institutional position, Compton was opposed to military sponsorship of any scientific recovery program. S. Army Major General L. L. ”71 The long-term benefits to be derived from basic science were not priorities for those responsible for implementing the Marshall Plan. 73 Another possible bureaucratic home for the program inside the State Department was the Interdepartmental Committee on Scientific and Cultural Cooperation.
They reach their full growth when the hope for a better life has died. ”11 Given the dramatic economic situation in Western Europe in the winter of 1946–47 and the growing strength of Communist parties in some countries, it was inevitable that the president would soon extend the scope of his aid program. It was a logical consequence of his universalization of a specific threat and of his analysis of the socioeconomic roots of Communism. Indeed, in a famous memorandum of 27 May, less than three weeks after Truman’s package had been finally agreed by the House, an alarmed Undersecretary of State William Clayton wrote to Dean Acheson that an 20 Chapter 2 aid package of $6–8 billion annually for three years was needed to save a Europe that was “steadily deteriorating.
American Hegemony and the Postwar Reconstruction of Science in Europe by John Krige