By John Krige
In 1945, the USA used to be not just the most powerful monetary and army energy on the planet; it was once additionally the world's chief in technology and know-how. In American Hegemony and the Postwar Reconstruction of technology in Europe, John Krige describes the efforts of influential figures within the usa to version postwar clinical practices and associations in Western Europe on these in the USA. They mobilized political and fiscal help to advertise not only America's medical and technological agendas in Western Europe yet its chilly struggle political and ideological agendas as well.Drawing at the paintings of diplomatic and cultural historians, Krige argues that this test at medical dominance via the usa might be obvious as a sort of "consensual hegemony," concerning the collaboration of influential neighborhood elites who shared American values. He makes use of this inspiration to investigate a sequence of case reports that describe how the united states management, senior officials within the Rockefeller and Ford Foundations, the NATO technology Committee, and influential individuals of the clinical establishment--notably Isidor I. Rabi of Columbia collage and Vannevar Bush of MIT--tried to Americanize medical practices in such fields as physics, molecular biology, and operations examine. He info U.S. aid for associations together with CERN, the Niels Bohr Institute, the French CNRS and its laboratories at Gif close to Paris, and the never-established "European MIT." Krige's examine indicates how consensual hegemony in technology not just served the pursuits of postwar eu reconstruction yet grew to become otherwise of conserving American management and "making the area secure for democracy."
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Additional resources for American Hegemony and the Postwar Reconstruction of Science in Europe (Transformations: Studies in the History of Science and Technology)
The suspicious death soon thereafter of Jan Masaryk—he reputedly fell from his bathroom window—confirmed for many that Moscow would stop at nothing to achieve its objectives. 24 The United States Science and the Marshall Plan 25 was determined not to let the Czech scenario repeat itself there. S. 28 The Church got involved. 5 percent of the vote (while the Communists and Socialists together had 31 percent) and the political centrists and right wing secured an absolute majority in the Chamber of Deputies.
Congress eventually authorized, by 1951, $13 billion of Marshall aid for European recovery. Each country deposited an equivalent amount to what it received in “counterpart fund” accounts, thus investing their currencies to build national infrastructure. 32 Certainly though, the point of the plan, as we have seen, was not merely, or perhaps even predominantly, economic; it was psychological, political, and ideological. 33 The hegemonic regime that resulted was, as I have stressed, coproduced. The European elites who implemented the plan accepted, sometimes with reluctance, its broader geopolitical and ideological objectives and in return maintained a measure of control over how it was put in place and adapted it to local circumstances.
82 We have no detailed information about the situation in France, but it seems unlikely that administrators there sought Marshall Plan funds to support science. 83 Frédéric Joliot-Curie, nuclear physicist, Nobel Prize winner, and newly appointed high commissioner for atomic energy, was one of the consulting experts. He immediately objected, to no avail, that neither atomic energy nor the refurbishing of France’s scientific infrastructure were included in the plan. 84 Joliot-Curie’s manifesto made three main points.
American Hegemony and the Postwar Reconstruction of Science in Europe (Transformations: Studies in the History of Science and Technology) by John Krige